. . . but Raph Begleiter of the UD Center for Political Communication and Micheline Boudreau of Delaware First Media do not appear to have read that part of the book.
When Libertarian US House candidate Scott Gesty received his "invitation" to the UD/DFM statewide candidate debate on 16-17 October, the letter from Begleiter and Boudreau was accompanied by inclusion "standards" drawn from the Pew Charitable Trust Debate Advisory Standards Project.
These are the standards that virtually guarantee the elimination of all third party candidates in the Delaware debates, to include not just Scott Gesty, but also Alex Pires, Andrew Groff, Bernie August, and Margaret McKeown.
Intrigued, I attempted to find the Pew recommendations and study online, and discovered . . . you can't.
So I bought it. You can, too, if you'd like to question what I am about to tell you.
In the preface, Ronald A. Faucheux makes the following lofty claim:
The idea is to encourage substantive debates with fair formats and large audiences, and to do so in a comprehensive way that is unrelated to the agenda of any candidate, party or ideology. [p. 13; emphasis added]
This is immediately followed by standards for "candidate inclusion" that are almost exactly the standards mailed to the Gesty campaign by Begleiter and Boudreau.
What's that "almost"? Maybe something, maybe nothing.
The Pew project recommends different debate standards based upon how far from election day a debate will be held. More than 30 days out from election day is called the
out period, and less than 30 days out is called the
pre-election period. UD/DFM has carefully placed the only major statewide debate they will hold just inside the
pre-election period. Why is this significant?
Here's the rational from Pew:
It is fair and reasonable that inclusion criteria during the pre-election period may be more difficult to meet than during the out-period. If a non-major or third-party candidate who is given the opportunity to participate in public debates during the out-period does not earn significant public support going into the final 30 days of an election campaign, debate sponsoring organizations that wish to limit participation have an acceptable rationale to tighten the inclusion criteria [p. 17].
Two notes here:
1) Nowhere does Pew ever define who decided that it was "fair and reasonable" to make the standards tougher the closer to the election the debate was held. This is treated as a self-evident point, throughout the document, even though--as we shall shortly see below--that's not what many of the people that Pew interviewed during the process of developing these standards actually recommended.
2) Note also that Pew doesn't mandate such increased standards, it merely provides them for "debate sponsoring organizations that wish to limit participation."
What is most damning for the UD/DFM choices is the results of the nationwide poll that Pew took while developing these standards, and which both Pew and UD/DFM completely decided to ignore. Because you cannot find this on the internet, I'm going to quote it in full:
Should Third-Party Candidates be Included?
KEY FINDING: Voters are much more likely to include non-major party candidates in debates than to exclude them [emphasis in original].
One of the stickiest issues of staging political candidate debates in general elections is whether to include non-major party candidates, such as nominees of the Libertarian Party, the Green Party, the Natural Law Party, and the Reform Party.
A majority of the voters surveyed (53%) said candidates from these parties should always be included in general election debates [emphasis added].
In addition, 39% think third-party candidates should only be included if they have a reasonable chance to win the election.
In total, nearly nine-of-10 voters think non-major third-party candidates should have at least some access to candidate debates.
Only one-out-of-20 voters (5%) said flatly that non-major party candidates should never be included.
Voters under 30 (61%) and independents (59%) are the two groups most likely to want non-major party candidates to always be included in debates [p. 89].
So let's get this straight . . . in Pew's own national survey,
53% of all voters said third parties should ALWAYS be included.
50% of independent voters said third parties should ALWAYS be included.
61% of voters under 30 said third parties should ALWAYS be included.
But then Pew, Ralph Begleiter, and Micheline Boudreau decided to say, "Ah, f--k them!" and use standards that would almost always result in the exclusion of such candidates.
(And if the fact that GOP candidates almost never draw above 40% in statewide races anymore, or the fact that Governor Markell, Senator Carper, and Representative Carney all sit on the UD Center's Advisory Council is something you don't know, you might think that there was some method to their madness besides protecting Democratic incumbents.)
It gets worse, actually.