The Failing American Empire: France and China

The election of Nicholas Sarkozy elated many American neo-cons and conservatives who saw it as leading to a much more pro-American foreign policy stance for France. Certainly, Sarkozy proved on his trip to the US that he understands how to play both our media and our politicians, telling them a great deal of what they wanted to hear.

But the fact is, Sarkozy is a strong French nationalist, and France continues to pursue (as it has since the days of DeGaulle) an independent foreign policy that has--at least as one objective--increasing Paris' influence around the world at the expense of Washington's.

A primary component of this strategy is the continued strengthening of the Franco-Chinese rapprochement, that is explicitly designed to curb US influence in Asia while opening new French markets on the mainland.

One of the least-reported big stories of 2004 was the annual Chinese naval exercises off the shores of Taiwan. China routinely rattles sabres (anchors?) to make the point that it remains ready to reunite the mainland with the hold-out island by force should Taiwan declare its formal independence. Nothing new about that; the US equally routinely sends a carrier group into the area to say, "Don't get any ideas." Thanks to a Taiwan lobby that is surpassed in influence only by the Israel lobby, the US (whether under a Bush or a Clinton) consistently declares that an attack on Taiwan will be considered an attack on US soil.

There have been some tense (and generally unreported) instances of brinksmanship on all sides during these maneuvers, but what was different about 2004?

How about the fact that the French Navy was cooperating with the Chinese during the week prior to Taiwanese elections?

From the BBC in March 2004:

"This will be China's most comprehensive naval exercise with any foreign navy," said Xinhua, quoting Ju Xinchun, captain of the Chinese guided missile destroyer, Harbin.

China held its first ever joint naval exercises last year, when it conducted separate drills with both Pakistan and India.

This will be its first exercise on the high seas with a major Western power, said Xinhua.

The French government confirmed the exercises but denied there was any significance in their scale or timing.

"They are part of the regional cooperation between the two navies, which was expanded after last year's visit to France by Chinese President Hu Jintao," said a spokesman for the French Foreign Ministry in Paris.

But there's more to this than "regional cooperation" [what region would that be, by the way, that encompasses France and China?], such as the French sale of advanced weapons technology to Bejing:

France has been supplying weapons to China despite the so-call ban imposed by Paris due to the human rights record of Beijing. In fact, Chirac's Navy should find it easy to communicate with the Chinese Navy.

The Chinese Navy currently employs a version of the French Tavitac, a modified version of the U.S. NIDS (Naval Tactical Data Systems) Link 11 secure communications network. The Link W system employed by China is an unlicensed copy of the U.S. Link 11 supplied to France. Chirac, in turn, sold the Link 11 to the People's Liberation Army Navy.

France has also supplied surface to air missiles and anti-aircraft radars to the Chinese Navy. Two Luda-series destroyers, the "Zhangjang" and the "Zhuhai" completed modifications in 2003. Both destroyers are armed with eight round HQ-7 point defense surface to air missile systems, a Chinese version of the French Crotale.

The first project 054 frigates, the "Ma-Anshan and the "Wenzhou" were both launched from the Shanghai shipyards in September 2003. The two 054 warships were followed by two more in November.

According to the U.S. Naval Proceedings, the 054 class warships "bear many of the modern design marks of frigates being built in Europe, including the first significant Chinese efforts at radar signature reduction."

In fact, the new Chinese warships are powered by license built SEMT-Pielstick diesel engines. SEMT-Pielstick is currently headquartered in Paris, France.

The Chinese, of course, have greater interests than Taiwan. Bejing has been quietly pursuing the construction of a real bluewater fleet (as opposed to the coastal and riverine force it has traditionally fielded) for many years, as its increasing need for imported oil caused the senior leadership to realize that like the US it must have an interest in global policing of the sea lanes. (One of the key elements in China's strategic policy for dominating the Pacific Rim revolves around the oil-rich Spratly Islands, where it has been engaged in low-level diplomatic and even possibly military conflict with Vietnam and the Philippines for over a decade.)

Meanwhile, France's sale of military technology to China is only one facet of an integrated political/economic strategy pursued with consistency whether the President in Paris was named Chirac or Sarkozy. For example, the year following the joint naval exercises saw a major deal inked between Paris and Bejing:

China and France reached a three-billion-euro (US$3.9 billion) deal Thursday morning during French Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin's three-day official visit to Beijing.

Raffarin and Premier Wen Jiabao witnessed the signing ceremony of the 20 cooperative agreements dealing with aviation, nuclear energy and agriculture.

The deals include China's promise to purchase five Airbus A380 and 25 A320 planes and a 100-million-euro (US$130.3 million) deal to buy a powerful communications and live radio and TV broadcast satellite from Alcatel Space.

Prior to the signing ceremony, Wen and Raffarin agreed during an hour-long meeting to further political and economic ties.

"China appreciates France's understanding and support to China on the Taiwan issue and the EU's lifting of the arms embargo," Wen told his counterpart.

Wen suggested the two countries further their relationship by focusing on maintaining high-level visits and improving consultation and cooperation in the United Nations and other international organizations; expanding economic and trade in the energy, transportation, aviation, agriculture and environmental protection sectors; maintaining cultural exchanges and improving judicial cooperation.

China and France are both permanent members of the UN Security Council.

Raffarin noted that the leaders of France and China now are now in continuous and regular contact. Such contacts were sporadic in the past.

Such initiatives have continued and expanded under Sarkozy; from the BBC [26 Novemer 2007]:

French industrialists visiting China with President Nicolas Sarkozy say they have finalised trade deals worth almost 20bn euros ($30bn; £14.5bn).
These include a delivery of 160 Airbus passenger planes to the value of about 10bn euros.

And state-owned French energy firm Areva said it had signed a contract to build two nuclear reactors in China.

The announcements came as Mr Sarkozy held a second meeting with his Chinese counterpart Hu Jintao.

"The total amount of these contracts has never been matched before," he told the Chinese president as they met in Beijing's Great Hall of the People.

Here's the reality check for the failing American empire:

Both France and China are investing (militarily, economically, and diplomatically) in a completely different grand strategy than the United States, a strategy that allows them to increase their individual and bilateral influence without the expense of maintaining an expensive network of 100 military bases around the globe or intervening militarily on a regular basis,

As international affairs commentator Lee Feinstein remarks in a column on China's influence in Africa:

Beijing also has a stake in positioning itself in Africa and globally as an alternative to western "meddling" on issues of human rights and governance.

This, especially under Sarkozy, could also describe French policy.

The reason this works--at least in the short run--is that without the massive capital and political costs of maintaining a militarily interventionist foreign policy, both France and China have plenty of money to invest in each other and in developing nations.

That's why you find such sudden recent outpourings of Chinese attention (and money) toward oil-producing regions of Africa like the Sudan and Angola.

Moreover, when military intervention is seen as being necessary by Bejing or Paris, both nations are increasingly comfortable with pursuing it either through surrogates or arms-sales.

The American imperial strategy of world-wide military bases to support our strategic diplomatic and economic objectives has become a Cold War artifact and is well on the way to becoming a fatal liability as we enter the 21st Century.

Chalmers Johnson, Pat Buchanan, and Ron Paul have all correctly and appropriately called attention to the dangers of America's move from a republic to an empire, although (unsurprisingly) they don't agree on what to do about it.

Given that the current crop of presidential aspirants from both wings of the Demopublican Party haven't yet acknowledged the existence of the problem, we're a long way from talking about solutions.

We still need to define the problem.